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Roundup Kritikan Restoran: Idea Baik 'Take Tumbles' dalam Pelaksanaan

Roundup Kritikan Restoran: Idea Baik 'Take Tumbles' dalam Pelaksanaan


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Setiap minggu, The Daily Meal mengumpulkan banyak ulasan restoran di seluruh Amerika

Seperti biasa, penilaiannya berkisar antara bintang hingga loceng hingga kacang, tetapi setiap ulasan memberikan pandangan khusus mengenai makanan, suasana, dan perkhidmatan restoran di tempat makan setiap bandar dan pengkritik yang memakannya.

Di Washington, D.C., "idea-idea baik jatuh dalam pelaksanaannya," di Equinox, di mana "ramuan yang baik kadang-kadang tidak dihormati," dan piring yang cukup menyenangkan "gagal dikesan di ibu kota dunia." Secara keseluruhan, "hampir semua hidangan dapat menggunakan lebih banyak penyuntingan."

Amber Dhara yang baru di San Francisco mendapat "bom" untuk penilaian kebisingan, diklasifikasikan sebagai terlalu kuat untuk perbualan. Peringkat keseluruhan dan penilaian makanan hampir sama, kerana restoran hanya diberikan satu bintang.

Janji terhebat dijumpai di "City Landing" di Boston, di mana hidangan utama dan padang pasir gagal memenuhi kehendak mereka. Walau bagaimanapun, semua harapan tidak hilang, kerana "dalam banyak hal, restoran ini akan menjadi permulaan yang kuat. Sekarang makanan menuntut penyudah yang lebih kuat."

Dari Pantai Timur ke Pantai Barat, dari Utara ke Selatan, kumpulan pengkritik restoran mingguan ada di sini untuk semua keperluan makan anda.

Pusingan Kritikan Restoran: 10/17/2012


KritikPenerbitanRestoranPenarafan
Devra PertamaThe Boston GlobePendaratan Bandar2 bintang
Jonathan EmasThe Los Angeles TimesDapur Berbintang
Victoria Pesce ElliottThe Miami HeraldSuViche2.5 bintang
Michael KaminerBerita Harian New YorkCik Lily ni
Telaga PeteThe New York TimesBlanca2 bintang
Michael BauerThe San Francisco ChronicleAmber DharaBom
Tom SietsemaThe Washington PostEkuinoks1.5 bintang

Lihat Restoran Critic Roundup minggu lalu.

Tyler Sullivan adalah penolong editor The Daily Meal. Ikuti dia di Twitter di @atylersullivan.


Roundup Ulasan Hari Sudah - Di sini & # 039s Apa yang difikirkan oleh pengkritik

Days Gone akhirnya memulakan debutnya di PlayStation 4. Permainan zombie dunia terbuka yang sedang dalam pembangunan memperincikan kisah Deacon St. John, seorang pengendara basikal kasar yang jatuh tempo setelah dunia masuk ke neraka. Anda akan menggunakan Freakers (aka zombi) dan puak mangsa yang selamat dalam pengembaraan dunia terbuka yang luas.

Walaupun permainan ini mempunyai nilai produksi yang tinggi, ulasan telah dicampuradukkan. Pengembaraan itu sendiri sering dikatakan membosankan atau mengganggu, dan banyak pengkritik bersetuju bahawa kisah itu gagal melakukan sesuatu yang menarik dengan pahlawannya yang bertentangan. Ini ditunjukkan dalam ulasan GameSpot sendiri.

Mahu kami mengingati tetapan ini untuk semua peranti anda?

Sila masukkan tarikh lahir anda untuk menonton video ini

Dengan mengklik 'enter', anda bersetuju dengan GameSpot & # 039s
Syarat Penggunaan dan Dasar Privasi

Bermain sekarang: Days Gone - Menghilangkan Permainan Zombie Nests

"Saya melakukan banyak perkara di Days Gone," kata Kallie Plagge. "Saya membakar setiap sarang Freaker. Saya membersihkan setiap kubu penyergapan. Saya memaksimumkan basikal. Saya mengeluarkan beberapa gerombolan pilihan kerana. Seperti Deacon dengan Sarah, saya terus berjalan kerana saya berharap dapat mencari sesuatu, untuk mengikuti rentak yang mungkin menarik. atau kesimpulan yang memuaskan atau memberi kesan. Tetapi pada akhir semua itu, saya hanya mendapat sedikit. "

Banyak kedai lain telah menerbitkan ulasan Days Gone mereka juga. Kami telah mengumpulkan contoh di bawah ini untuk memberi pandangan dari seluruh industri. Untuk gambaran keseluruhan yang lebih luas, periksa laman web Metacritic dari laman web GameSpot.

  • Permainan: Hari Berlalu
  • Platform: PS4
  • Pemaju: Sony Bend
  • Tarikh keluaran: 26 April
  • Harga: $ 60 / £ 50 / $ 100 AUD

Jurulatih Charles Phan sedang dijalankan

4 dari 6 Kerang dan Kerang dengan Arnab Arnab, belakang kiri, dan Keju Nelayan, kembali kanan, di The Coachman di San Francisco, Calif., Dilihat pada hari Sabtu, 14 Jun 2014. John Storey / Istimewa untuk Chronicle Tunjukkan Lebih Banyak Tunjukkan Lebih sedikit

5 dari 6 The Bone Marrow di The Coachman di San Francisco, Calif., Dilihat pada hari Sabtu, 14 Jun 2014. John Storey / Special to the Chronicle Show More Show Less

Kata kunci dalam reka bentuk restoran di negara ekologi kita "diselamatkan" dan "dikitar semula." Pada Jurulatih, idea-idea itu diambil perhatian.

Restoran, yang dibuka oleh Charles Phan di lokasi Heaven's Dog yang tidak berjaya, menawarkan makanan Inggeris dan menggunakan unsur-unsur dari restoran tertutupnya untuk membangun ruang baru.

Phan terkenal dengan makanan Vietnam di Slanted Door. Konsepnya yang lain kurang berjaya, tetapi dia terus menghadapi cabaran.

Dekorasi di Coachman terasa seperti gabungan dari kegagalannya. Ruang ini mempunyai meja yang sama dan getaran moden Heaven's Dog. Dinding madu di dua kawasan ruang yang baru dikonfigurasi adalah dari pintu keluar yang tertutup di Westfield Center. Dua lukisan besar dari Wo Hing, restoran Cina miliknya yang kini ditutup sebagai Slant Door yang asli di Mission, digantung di dinding ketika Coachman dibuka baru-baru ini digantikan dengan gambar besar yang tidak dibingkai.

Ini adalah satu cabaran untuk menghidupkan kembali konsep yang tidak berkinerja buruk, dan di Coachman karya-karya itu tidak sesuai. Semua bahagian ada di sana, tetapi semuanya kelihatan sedikit miring.

Koktel, kekuatan di Heaven's Dog, tetap menjadi tarikan tetapi diciptakan semula, banyak menggunakan sherry dan g ever. Rasa keseimbangan dalam hal-hal seperti Gin Cocktail ($ 11), campuran semangat Bols yang berumur, sirap gusi, Curacao, pahit oren dan lemon. Gin juga tampil dalam penerbangan koktel ($ 15) sebenarnya, inilah kawasan di mana Coachman unggul.

Iringan yang sempurna untuk koktel adalah hidangan yang dinamakan keju nelayan ($ 12), piring yang menampilkan boneka keju ringan, lobak dicukur dan telur seberat pudina memberi kunjungan kejutan dan selamat datang.


Jenis Pemasaran Gerila

Terdapat banyak cara untuk mempraktikkan pemasaran gerila secara diam-diam. Bergantung pada anggaran pemasaran anda dan kreativiti keseluruhan pasukan pemasaran anda, anda mungkin ingin mencuba salah satu jenis pemasaran gerila ini.

Pemasaran Serangan Acara

Dari semua idea pemasaran yang pernah anda dengar, ini mungkin terdengar seperti yang paling pelik. Walau bagaimanapun, ingatlah bahawa pemasaran penyergapan acara hanya menarik perhatian penonton yang sedang menghadiri acara atau ketika berada dalam suasana yang menarik.

Biasanya sesuatu seperti acara sukan, pertunjukan muzik, atau bahkan ketika berada di stesen kereta bawah tanah.

Seseorang dalam keadaan ini enggan pergi, kerana mereka sudah membayar untuk berada di sana, atau begitu berminat dengan apa yang sedang berlaku di hadapan mereka sehingga mereka tidak akan terlepas daripada beraksi.

Jenis tetapan ini menawarkan pemasar gerila peluang yang sangat unik yang tidak sering mereka dapatkan: perhatian khalayak mereka secara sukarela namun tidak dapat dipisahkan.

Stella Artois melakukan ini dalam kempen epik (dan kontroversial) di Terbuka AS 2011 di mana mereka meletakkan iklan mereka di sekitar acara seolah-olah mereka adalah penaja rasmi (walaupun tidak).

Kos pendahuluan pemasaran penyergapan acara tidak begitu mahal. Selalunya, penyergapan acara berlaku tanpa kebenaran penaja acara. Oleh itu, ia adalah bentuk pemasaran yang sangat berpatutan namun memberi kesan.

Contoh Pemasaran Serangan Acara

  • Flash mob & # 8211 Pergerakan kilat adalah sekumpulan orang atau pemain yang tiba-tiba, dan selalunya tanpa amaran, akan menyergap kawasan awam, menarik perhatian para pengunjung acara, melakukan persembahan sebentar, dan kemudian cepat bersurai.
  • Papan tanda yang diletakkan secara taktik & # 8211 Hanya kerana anda bukan penaja acara, tidak bermaksud anda dapat memanfaatkan banyak orang yang berpusu-pusu memasuki kawasan tumpuan. Penggunaan papan tanda di jalan-jalan di luar bahkan boleh sangat kuat.

Astroturfing (Sokongan Berbayar)

Astroturfing adalah salah satu strategi pemasaran gerila yang lebih kontroversial dan boleh dikatakan kurang bijak. Sama seperti astroturf adalah rumput buatan yang meniru perkara sebenar, pemasaran astroturf menggunakan sokongan palsu untuk meniru bukti sosial.

Bentuk astroturfing yang paling biasa yang akan kita lihat dalam pemasaran moden melibatkan semacam iklan atau publisiti. Hype ini biasanya dihasilkan melalui blog dalam talian, forum dalam talian, atau bahkan di tempat perniagaan.

Contoh terbaik dari ini ialah McDonald mengakui bahawa mereka memberi ganti rugi kepada sekitar 1,000 pelanggan. Pelanggan berbayar berjaga-jaga untuk seperempat pound di salah satu restoran Jepun mereka, kelihatan seolah-olah mereka tidak sabar untuk mendapatkan salah satu daripada burger McDonald yang paling terkenal.

Individu juga dibayar untuk meninggalkan pandangan positif, memberikan testimoni positif, atau memberi komen positif mengenai produk atau perkhidmatan syarikat yang sering terdapat dalam bentuk media sosial.

Pengulas ini sering tidak pernah menggunakan atau membeli apa-apa dari syarikat ini, mereka hanya ada untuk meninggalkan kandungan yang akan memujuk orang lain untuk menghantar wang dengan jenama astroturfing.

Penting untuk diperhatikan bahawa Astroturfing memang mempunyai beberapa kelemahan yang serius.

Sekiranya pelanggan berpotensi mengetahui strategi pemasaran ini, selalunya ia akan meninggalkan rasa tidak enak di mulut mereka, dan ini boleh membawa kepada beberapa implikasi serius bagi syarikat. Ini boleh merosakkan reputasi mereka, keaslian produk dan perkhidmatan mereka, atau, lebih buruk lagi, menyebabkan beberapa bentuk tindakan undang-undang.

Mengapa syarikat mengambil risiko semua ini?

Kerana astroturfing tidak hanya sangat sesuai dengan anggaran tetapi juga sangat efektif, meminimumkan usaha pemasaran tradisional dan mengurangi biaya. Ini sering menjadikan risiko merosakkan reputasi perniagaan sangat memikat bagi beberapa syarikat.

Contoh Pemasaran Astroturfing

  • Pemasar yang berpengaruh& # 8211 Penggunaan pemasar influencer boleh menjadi kaedah yang sangat kuat untuk mendedahkan produk anda kepada banyak pengikut. Pengaruh, dari satu segi, astroturf pengikut mereka dengan mempromosikan produk yang mereka dakwa mereka sukai dan percayai, sementara itu dibayar untuk mengatakannya.
  • Pemasar gabungan& # 8211 Penggunaan pemasar afiliasi adalah satu lagi contoh hebat astroturfing. Blogger popular, bintang YouTube, dan lain-lain mempromosikan produk kepada pengikut mereka dan, sebagai gantinya, menerima potongan dari penjualan yang dibuat.

Pemasaran Buzz

Buzz marketing adalah antitesis astroturfing. Ia memanfaatkan sokongan yang tulen, terutama dari individu atau selebriti berprofil tinggi, dan menggunakannya untuk meningkatkan kesedaran dan pendedahan jenama mereka.

Contoh pemasaran buzz yang sangat comel dan hebat adalah Tweet ini dari beberapa pelanggan Starbucks. Mereka menghubungkan pengalaman yang cukup emosional namun positif dan organik dengan jenama Starbucks. Bukan hanya membantu imej Starbucks tetapi juga mempromosikan produk mereka.

Tidak seperti astroturfing, sokongan dan cadangan berprofil tinggi ini datang secara semula jadi dan organik, tanpa perniagaan harus membayarnya. Pemasaran Buzz sangat bergantung pada mulut ke mulut yang diperkuat dan organik, menggunakan buzz yang dibuat di sekitar jenamanya untuk mengukuhkan produk atau perkhidmatan sebagai pembelian yang mesti dimiliki.

Pemasaran Buzz boleh menjadi sangat berkesan tetapi sering sukar dihasilkan kerana sering berlaku tanpa peringatan dan tanpa dorongan. Tetapi sekeras mana pun, pemasaran buzz sangat menjimatkan kos kerana biasanya memerlukan penglibatan minimum kerana ini adalah fenomena yang berlaku secara semula jadi.

Contoh Pemasaran Buzz

  • Kandungan kontroversi & # 8211 Orang suka sejumlah besar kontroversi, sesuatu yang sedikit skandal sangat bagus untuk digosipkan. Mengapa tidak menggunakan ini untuk keuntungan anda, buat kandungan yang membuat orang bercakap.
  • Pemasaran pelik & # 8211 Cuba melangkah keluar dari norma pemasaran. Sesuatu yang agak memalukan dan luar biasa adalah cara terbaik untuk membuat orang bercakap mengenai jenama anda dan akan membantu mendorong pengguna untuk berkongsi kandungan anda dengan rakan.

Pemasaran Berpengalaman

Experiential marketing adalah strategi pemasaran gerilya yang mendorong dan melibatkan pelanggan untuk turut serta dalam pertumbuhan dan kejayaan perniagaan. Daripada model pemasaran tradisional, di mana pelanggan adalah peserta pasif dalam menerima pesan iklan, pemasar yang berpengalaman berpendapat bahawa pelanggan harus menjadi peserta aktif dalam kampanye pemasaran.

Pemasar yang berpengalaman menggunakan pemasaran kreatif untuk mendorong pembentukan bersama kempen pemasaran untuk membantu pelanggan mengembangkan keterikatan emosi dan hubungan yang kuat dengan perniagaan. Keterikatan ini membawa kepada hubungan gotong-royong yang bermanfaat, jenama itu menjamin perniagaan tetap dan pelanggan mempunyai akses kepada produk dan perkhidmatan yang mereka sukai dan benar-benar percayai.

Sebagai contoh, semasa Piala Dunia FIFA di Zurich, Coca-Cola menyediakan pengalaman VR yang membolehkan penonton bermain permainan bola sepak mini. Walaupun pengalaman VR seperti ini tidak dapat diakses oleh banyak pemasar, ini adalah contoh yang baik tentang bagaimana jenama dapat membuat pengguna terlibat dengan perniagaan mereka dengan cara yang menyenangkan dan interaktif.

Dan benar-benar, kos pemasaran pengalaman boleh menjadi sama berpatutan atau mahal seperti perniagaan ingin membuatnya. Apa-apa sahaja yang semurah dari perjumpaan yang diketuai oleh akar umbi atau yang terperinci sebagai pengalaman yang mengasyikkan dan tidak dapat dilupakan seperti pesta industri tema.

Contoh Pemasaran Berpengalaman

  • Keluar dari zon selesa anda & # 8211 Sekiranya perniagaan anda berpusat pada sesuatu yang agak kontroversi dan sukar dibincangkan, mengapa tidak membuat pengalaman yang akan mendorong perbualan.
  • Gamify produk anda & # 8211 Mengapa tidak menambahkan sedikit kesenangan dalam kehidupan orang lain dan mempermainkan jenama anda. Beri peluang kepada pelanggan anda untuk bermain dan bersaing untuk mendapatkan sesuatu, di sepanjang jalan menanamkan rasa prestasi dan hubungan emosi positif dengan produk anda.

Pemasaran Rumput

Pemasaran akar rumput adalah salah satu kempen pemasaran gerila yang sangat berkesan untuk perniagaan kecil. Daripada membelanjakan banyak wang dalam usaha pengiklanan yang terperinci, jenama dapat berinteraksi dengan khalayak sasaran mereka melalui kursus biasa atau visi yang dikongsi bersama.

Minuman sukan Nooma adalah contoh pemasaran akar umbi yang bagus. Jared dan Brandon, dua bersaudara dari Cleveland, memulakan jenama mereka dengan memanfaatkan tuntutan atlet yang berfikiran sihat untuk alternatif minuman sukan yang sihat sambil juga menyokong acara sukan di kawasan setempat mereka.

Pemasaran gerila akar umbi biasanya mensasarkan pangkalan pelanggan kecil dan berharap kumpulan itu menyebarkan mesej atau visi perniagaan kepada khalayak yang jauh lebih besar.

Pemasaran akar rumput sering menggunakan strategi pemasaran yang kurang tradisional, tidak konvensional, dan kreatif. Oleh itu, biasanya harganya lebih murah daripada idea pemasaran yang lebih konvensional sementara masih berpotensi untuk menghasilkan hasil yang besar.

Contoh Pemasaran Rumput

  • Gunakan pemasaran emosi & # 8211 Menggunakan emosi orang adalah salah satu kaedah paling berkesan untuk membuat mereka berkongsi mesej dan produk jenama anda.
  • Sokonglah tujuan yang baik & # 8211 Dipandang sebagai orang baik dapat meningkatkan secara drastik bagaimana pandangan masyarakat terhadap perniagaan anda. Keinginan untuk menolong tujuan yang mulia dapat meningkatkan kempen populariti akar umbi.

Pemasaran Stealth

Stealth marketing adalah kempen pemasaran gerilya yang menargetkan pelanggan melalui strategi pemasaran yang halus dan kreatif. Lebih sering daripada tidak, bentuk pemasaran ini mengiklankan produk atau perkhidmatan kepada seseorang tanpa mereka menyedari bahawa mereka sedang dipasarkan.

Terdapat banyak strategi taktik yang digunakan pemasar siluman, yang paling biasa adalah penempatan produk dan pemasaran yang tersembunyi. Seperti yang dilihat di sini oleh FedEx dalam filem Tom Hanks yang sangat popular, Castaway.

Matlamat utama pemasaran siluman bukan untuk menghasilkan pendapatan atau penjualan langsung tetapi untuk menciptakan kesadaran, minat, dan kegembiraan di sekitar jenama dan produknya. Strategi pengiklanan ini kemungkinan akan menyebabkan pengguna lebih mudah menerima iklan secara langsung di kemudian hari.

Dan ini adalah strategi pemasaran kos rendah yang sangat berharga bagi perniagaan.

Semasa melaksanakan kempen pemasaran gerilya seperti pemasaran siluman, pemasar dapat menyingkirkan pendedahan pemasaran yang berulang dan mahal dan lebih fokus pada strategi yang menjimatkan seperti penempatan produk.

Contoh Stealth Marketing

  • Penempatan produk & # 8211 Penempatan produk berbayar yang tergabung dalam badan pekerjaan lain. Biasanya filem atau rancangan televisyen dengan tujuan promosi tertentu.
  • Pemasaran Tersembunyi & # 8211 Pemasar atau pengiklan memperkenalkan produk kepada pengguna dengan cara yang sama sekali tidak kelihatan seperti pemasaran. Ini agak tidak konvensional dan agak licik tetapi boleh menjadi strategi pemasaran yang sangat kuat.

Pemasaran Jalan

Kempen pemasaran jalanan menggunakan kaedah dan ruang iklan yang relatif tidak tradisional untuk mendapatkan jumlah kesedaran jenama dan perhatian pengguna yang lebih besar daripada kempen iklan tradisional.

Anda akan menjumpai pemasaran jalanan di lokasi yang sering tidak disangka orang akan menemuinya. Pengguna mengharapkan untuk melihat papan iklan yang dipasang tinggi ke langit, mereka mengharapkan untuk melihat iklan yang berjalan di layar ketinggian mata ketika mereka berjalan di jalan-jalan kota, tetapi mereka sering tidak mengharapkan untuk melihat iklan yang dicetak pada penutup lubang, disisipkan dalam seni jalanan, atau dicetak di seberang jalan raya.

Berikut adalah bagaimana Ghostbusters menggunakan pendekatan pemasaran gerila jalanan. Mereka mengambil alih Waterloo Railway Station di London dengan Puft Marshmallow Man yang besar, yang berada di sana sebelum tayangan filem.

Pengguna terbiasa melihat iklan di papan iklan kota dan sejenisnya tetapi mereka tidak terbiasa melihat iklan di lokasi kreatif dan tidak konvensional.

Dan inilah intinya, melihat iklan yang tidak dijangka sering membuat orang mengambil perhatian. Mungkin hanya sebentar, tetapi cukup untuk membuat mereka mula memikirkan produk perniagaan yang, lebih kerap daripada tidak, cukup membawa kepada penjualan di kemudian hari.

Contoh Pemasaran Jalan

  • Penempatan produk & # 8211 Ia adalah orang tua tetapi bagus. Penempatan produk, di mana sahaja ia muncul, boleh memberi kesan berpanjangan pada perniagaan anda. Bukan hanya dalam masa terdekat tetapi untuk masa yang lama akan datang.
  • Pemasaran yang tersembunyi & # 8211 Sama seperti penempatan produk, pemasaran rahsia memperkenalkan produk baru kepada pengguna dengan cara yang tidak kelihatan seperti iklan. Ini adalah teknik pemasaran yang kuat, pemasaran apabila orang tidak menyedari bahawa mereka dipasarkan. Selalunya sangat subliminal dan terbang di bawah radar, namun ia sangat berkesan.

ARIZONA

Terhadap tempat kejadian dengan semangat yang luar biasa pada tahun 2014, Scott dan Bekke Holmes & # x2019 Little Miss BBQ di Phoenix kini telah mengukuhkan statusnya sebagai salah satu restoran penting Arizona & # 39; walaupun, sehingga baru-baru ini, peminat mesti bersiap-siap dalam panas terik gurun & # x2014 dalam kabut asap oak tempatan yang indah & # x2014 untuk mendapatkan rasa brisket terbaik di I-10 antara Los Angeles dan Texas Hill Country. Permintaan yang tinggi menyebabkan lokasi kedua, yang menawarkan penyaman udara semasa anda menunggu, untuk pautan panas buatan rumah, dan ketika mereka mendapatnya, gemetar, tulang rusuk daging lembu Flintstonian. (Nota: Lokasi asal ditutup buat sementara waktu.) Saya juga menikmati menu imaginatif Duaine Burden di Jalape & # xF1o Wang, semacam gubuk yang ditumbuhi masuk ke salah satu kebun oren tertua di negeri ini. Burden memanggil apa yang dia lakukan dengan barbeku gaya Arizona, menjual sandwic brisket dan burrito yang tidak biasa, bahu babi yang dimasak perlahan, cabai merah, cabai hijau, dan tulang rusuk pada hujung minggu.


Barang-barang yang dibawa oleh migran - dan jatuh - ketika mereka melintasi sempadan

Kasut berlumpur kanak-kanak.
Dompet kosong.
Berus rambut berwarna merah jambu.
Sebaris Kitab Suci.

Ini dan barang-barang lain membuang kotoran yang menuju ke bukit dari Rio Grande. Bintik-bintik terang dengan cepat dilapisi dengan debu, itu adalah barang-barang yang dibawa dan yang dijatuhkan oleh ibu, ayah dan anak-anak, seperti budak lelaki yang seluar dalam ukuran 6 Batman terbaring di tempat yang jauh.

Surat beranak. Nombor telefon yang dicoretkan. Barang berharga yang diangkut selama berminggu-minggu lebih dari beratus-ratus batu. Ini juga tersebar di sepanjang jalan oleh pendatang, jejak mereka sepi pada waktu malam setelah mereka menyeberangi sungai. Tetapi yang paling bersinar adalah gelang plastik - pelangi kuning, kelabu, merah dan biru yang menyebar melalui berus - beberapa dilekatkan agar sesuai dengan lengan terkecil.

Banyak dicetak dengan satu perkataan: entregas. Penghantaran.

Pemerdagangan Mexico telah membawa keluarga dan anak-anak yang tidak didampingi, kebanyakan dari Amerika Tengah, menyeberangi sungai dengan rakit dan ke Lembah Rio Grande Texas bulan ini. Mereka melekatkan gelang tangan kepada pendatang sebagai bukti pembayaran. Gelang tangan adalah pendatang ' klaf - kunci jalan masuk yang selamat - dan mereka yang tanpa mereka mengatakan bahawa mereka telah diculik oleh penyeludup dan ditahan sehingga saudara-mara atau rakan-rakan bersetuju untuk membayar yuran mereka, sekurang-kurangnya $ 6,000.

Gelang tangan menjuntai dari berus seperti hiasan yang pelik. Sebilangan yang memakainya akan dihantar kembali ke Mexico. Yang lain akan mati berusaha mencari rumah di tanah baru.

Pasukan negara yang melakukan rondaan di kawasan itu dengan kacamata penglihatan malam mengatakan seorang penyeludup baru-baru ini menjatuhkan anak berusia 2 tahun di sungai untuk mengalihkan pasukan dari merampas kapal. Awal bulan ini, seorang wanita hamil bekerja di tebing sungai dan kehilangan bayinya. Baru-baru ini, kira-kira 200 batu di hulu dari Roma, seorang gadis berusia 9 tahun mati ketika menyeberangi sungai dengan ibu dan adik lelakinya dari Guatemala.

Ketika pendatang dekat pantai, anggota tentera menarik rakit kembung mereka, menebuk beberapa dan mengetepikannya seperti trofi. Para pendatang melepaskan barang yang mereka miliki ketika mereka menyusuri jalan dari sungai menuju agen Kastam dan Perlindungan Sempadan A.S. di tempat letak kereta di puncak bukit. Dari sana, para pendatang dibawa ke kawasan pegangan yang penuh sesak, di mana lebih dari 4,200 orang dihimpunkan ke ruang yang dirancang untuk 250 orang. Ramai yang melintasi bulan ini untuk pertama kalinya mereka tidak bimbang tentang apa yang mereka perlukan jika mereka dihantar kembali ke Mexico.

"Saya akan membantunya sehingga saya mati."

Liliana de Jesus Galdamez Morales, ibu kepada Erick David Landaverde Galdamez, 15

Martha Ramirez Amaya datang ke utara dari Honduras setelah kehilangan kediamannya di Badai Eta. Penyeludup memaksa dia dan anaknya yang berusia 5 tahun, Elvin, keluar dari rakit. Dia jatuh ke dangkal, merendam kot hitam dan seluar jeansnya. Ketika dia sampai di pantai, Ramirez, 20, merasakan medali emas yang dipakainya di lehernya untuk perlindungan. Ada di sana. Dia bergegas ke arah lampu suluh Peronda Sempadan di bukit.

Ramirez dan yang lain mengikuti jejak itu ketika ia berpecah dan angin melalui sikat, harta benda mereka sering jatuh ke tanah milik keluarga Jorge Barrera. Barrera, yang memancing dari tebing sungai pada waktu senja, telah memanggil Border Patrol untuk mengadu tentang beg Cheetos, susu formula bayi dan sampah lain. Tetapi ia terus berkumpul ketika para migran terus maju meskipun ada wabah, ancaman penyelundup dan mahkota semak duri yang tajam.

Para pendatang mula menumpahkan semua harta benda kecuali yang paling berharga setelah mereka sampai di pantai. Jonatan Cruz, 31, dan keluarganya dari Guatemala melepaskan izin tinggal Mexico mereka yang telah tamat tempoh. Yang lain mempunyai baju sejuk, kasut berukuran 23, balm bibir strawberi Avon, lampin pakai buang, topeng, khakis Garanimals (saiz 2T), beg tangan Hello Kitty berwarna merah dan beg galas bendera Texas. Apabila jaket basah mereka tersangkut di atas pokok, mereka melepaskannya dan membiarkannya digantung dalam kegelapan, seperti hantu.

Mereka tersandung ke depan tanpa lampu suluh ke dalam oak dan bijak yang bersih. Mereka mencengkam apa yang paling mereka perlukan: pengenalan diri yang sah dan sekeping kertas yang mengandungi nombor telefon rakan dan keluarga di Belia A.S. yang bepergian sendiri menyimpan nombor hubungan yang tersimpan di poket mereka, jika tidak ditulis di dada oleh ibu bapa mereka sebelum meninggalkan rumah.

Bessy Yamileth Gómez Flores membawa buku tulis yang ditulis dengan Matius 21:22: "Sekiranya kamu percaya, kamu akan menerima apa sahaja yang kamu minta dalam doa." Seorang wanita lain menjatuhkan beg pleather berwarna merah jambu yang disumbat dengan sebilangan wang kertas Honduran yang layu.

Yang lain menunaikan harapan mereka. Salvadoran Fatima Pineda Vasquez, 16, mahu menjadi arkitek. Dia telah datang dengan keponakannya yang berusia 12 tahun, yang ingin menjadi pakar bedah. Mereka merancang untuk bergabung dengan ibunya, kakak Fatima, di Missouri.

Banyak membawa pruebas, atau bukti, mengenai ancaman dan keganasan yang mereka jalankan di Amerika Tengah. Mereka berharap dapat menunjukkannya sebagai bukti untuk meminta suaka. Mereka juga membawa sijil kelahiran Amerika Tengah, berharga bagi ibu bapa migran yang ingin dipisahkan dari anak-anak mereka oleh pihak berkuasa A.S., dan untuk belia yang bepergian tanpa orang dewasa. Mereka yang dapat menunjukkan bahawa mereka berusia di bawah 18 tahun dibebaskan kepada rakan dan keluarga di A.S. dan boleh membuat tuntutan imigresen mereka. Mereka yang tidak dapat membuktikan usia mereka menghadapi kemungkinan pengusiran ke Mexico.

Ketika pendatang memilih untuk menanjak, dokumen penting hilang, termasuk dua surat beranak yang tersimpan di dalam beg popok hitam yang dibuang di sepanjang jalan. Mereka tergolong dalam migran Honduras Maryi Jennifer Amaya Mejia, 22, dan anak perempuannya yang berusia 2 tahun, Jenice Paola. Di bahagian atas salah satu kertas, seseorang telah mencetak nombor telefon Connecticut.

Ibu Amaya, Lidia Mejia, menjawab panggilan tersebut. Dia menyeberang ke AS enam tahun yang lalu setelah kedua-dua anaknya dibunuh. Ketika lelaki yang membunuh mereka mengancam keluarga lagi tahun ini, katanya, dia meminta anak perempuan dan cucunya. Amaya dan Jenice tiba di Waterbury, Conn., Seminggu yang lalu, katanya.

Dia menyampaikan telefon kepada Amaya, yang mengatakan bahawa dia gembira dapat menyeberangi sungai dengan selamat. Dia lupa untuk mengambil dokumennya ketika dia meninggalkan beg lampin di belakang. Ketika anak kecilnya mengoceh di latar belakang, Amaya meminta agar sijil itu dikirimkan ke alamat barunya, yang dia tulis di salinan sebelum meninggalkan Honduras.

Sekeping kertas yang rapuh terpaut di sikat di dekat sungai itu mempunyai tulisan "Papi" dan "Mari" di sebatang pen di sebelah nombor telefon utara Virginia. Yang pertama tidak berfungsi. Tetapi Mari Vicente menjawab yang kedua.

Vicente, 30, seorang ibu rumah tangga dari Guatemala yang tinggal di A.S. secara sah, mengatakan bahawa dia tidak pasti siapa yang membawa nombornya melintasi sempadan.

"Saya tidak dapat memberitahu anda kerana saya tidak mempunyai keluarga yang datang ke sini," katanya.

Vicente mempunyai seorang kawan di Guatemala, seorang wanita berusia 24 tahun dengan seorang anak lelaki berusia 7 tahun, yang bercakap tentang berhijrah ke A.S. baru-baru ini setelah dia diancam oleh geng. Tetapi Vicente pasti rakannya masih di Guatemala.

"Dia mendengar ibu bapa dengan anak-anak boleh datang," kata Vicente. "Jadi dia mungkin datang untuk kesempatan."

Terletak di kaki pokok mesquite berhampiran sungai, dibungkus dengan beg plastik kecil, adalah salinan salinan surat kelahiran Salvador yang dilipat rapi untuk Erick David Landaverde Galdamez, 15 tahun. Di dalamnya, seseorang menyelipkan sebuah kotak kecil berukuran kecil dengan nombor telefon dan alamat e-mel tulisan tangan, termasuk nombor untuk ibunya di Ohio.

Ejen Peronda Perbatasan memanggil nombor itu pada larut malam pada hujung minggu lalu untuk bertanya: "Adakah anda ibu Erick?"

Liliana de Jesus Galdamez Morales, yang melintasi sempadan secara haram tahun lalu, mengatakan ya.

Ejen mengatakan bahawa anaknya berada dalam tahanan, meminta alamatnya dan mengatakan untuk menunggu panggilan lain. Mereka tidak mengatakan bila.

Peronda Sempadan biasanya tidak membenarkan golongan muda membuat panggilan telefon. Ejen merampas tali pinggang dan tali kasut mereka dan mengeluarkannya ID gelang. Tetapi agensi itu diwajibkan oleh undang-undang untuk memindahkan belia dalam 72 jam ke tempat perlindungan persekutuan. Setibanya di sana, para pendatang muda itu dibenarkan untuk memanggil ibu bapa mereka. Tetapi Erick - yang dikenali dengan nama tengahnya, David - belum menelefon.

Pada hari Rabu, Galdamez memanggil talian hotline persekutuan. Seorang wanita memberitahu bahawa David berada di tempat perlindungan persekutuan. Dia mesti menunggu pekerja sosial kerajaan memanggil hujung minggu ini.

Beberapa hari sebelum dia menyeberangi sungai lebih dari seminggu yang lalu, David mengirim ibunya mesej di Facebook yang memberitahunya agar tidak risau. Tetapi Galdamez, 39, mengalami sakit kepala sejak putera sulungnya menerima ancaman dari geng di El Salvador dan melarikan diri pada 4 Mac.

Dia pemuda pemalu, katanya - pandai matematik, rumah tangga yang tinggal bersama neneknya dan adik perempuannya yang berusia 8 tahun di Nueva Concepción. Dia menolong di sekitar rumah selepas sekolah dan berharap dapat belajar pentadbiran perniagaan atau mungkin menjadi doktor, kata ibunya.

Galdamez berangkat ke A.S. bersama suaminya ketika David berusia 2. Mereka membina kehidupan baru dengan tiga anak yang lebih muda. Dia seorang suri rumah yang suaminya cat rumah. Suatu malam minggu ini, setelah pulang dari tempat kerja, dia menangkapnya menangis di biliknya, putus asa melihat anak mereka. Mereka membayar $ 4,000 untuk menyeludup David ke utara. Mereka ada ruang menunggunya, dan dia telah membuatnya menjadi pupus.

"Saya akan membantunya sehingga saya mati," katanya melalui telefon dari rumahnya di Columbus, di mana dia sedang menunggu panggilan pekerja sosial mengenai kapan dan bagaimana dia boleh menuntut anaknya.

Galdamez meminta salinan sijil kelahiran anaknya yang berdebu dihantar kepadanya. Dia berharap ia dapat membantunya tinggal di A.S. secara sah.

"Dia ada pruebas," dia berkata. "Saya tidak di sini secara sah, tetapi saya tidak pernah melakukan apa-apa terhadap negara ini."

Sebelum meninggalkan pinggir sungai, para pendatang menerima beg harta plastik yang berlabel "Keselamatan Dalam Negeri" dan tanda "pemeriksaan bagasi" kerajaan untuk barang-barang mereka. Angin malam bertiup sedikit, menghempaskannya di seberang semak, termasuk yang tergolong dalam Jacsi Carranza Novoa dari Honduras, 9 tahun, yang tertera tanda dia tiba sendirian.

Sebilangan beg harta benda menemani pemuda seperti Jacsi ke tempat perlindungan persekutuan. Yang lain dikembalikan ke keluarga migran yang dibebaskan ke gereja tempatan, di mana mereka menerima makanan, pakaian dan kad doa yang disumbangkan yang berbunyi: “Saya tidak melihat jalan di depan saya. Saya tidak tahu pasti di mana ia akan berakhir. "

Tidak semua orang berjaya ke gereja. Beg kepunyaan migran yang diusir ke Mexico ditiup arus di jambatan sempadan.

Di kaki jambatan di Reynosa, Mexico, keluarga migran, masih ramai yang memakai gelang yang dikeluarkan oleh Perbatasan Sempadan, membuka beg mereka hanya untuk mengetahui bahawa mereka kehilangan lebih banyak peluang daripada kehidupan baru.

"Kami tidak mempunyai telefon atau apa-apa untuk berkomunikasi dengan orang lain. Apa yang boleh kita lakukan?" kata Norma Najera Perez, 23, sambil menghulurkan tangan kosong kepada anak perempuannya, Sandy Ortega Najera. Kanak-kanak berusia 7 tahun itu memakai gelang yang berbunyi "Harta: Tiada."

"Kami menjatuhkan segalanya di sungai," kata Cesar Garcia, 50, seorang pengendali mesin Guatemala yang menyeberangi Rio Grande bersama tiga puteranya, berusia 8, 10 dan 12 tahun, dengan harapan dapat bergabung dengan isterinya di Los Angeles.

Pameran untuk penceritaan yang menarik dari Los Angeles Times.

Reynosa adalah hab kartel di mana pendatang Amerika Tengah menjadi mangsa mudah. Mereka yang tinggal di dekat jambatan berisiko menyerang, menculik dan memeras ugut. Tetapi begitu juga mereka yang cuba pergi dengan teksi. Hanya sedikit yang mampu membayar tambang.

"Ke mana kita harus pergi tanpa wang?" tanya Najera. "Saya takut bermalam di sini."

"Ramai yang tidak mempunyai rumah untuk dikunjungi," kata seorang lelaki Guatemala berusia 17 tahun, Yan Alfaro.

Banyak pendatang berkemah di taman berhampiran. Mereka menyebarkan beberapa barang mereka di lantai konkrit gazebo. Mereka memikirkan apa yang perlu dilakukan seterusnya.

Dan mereka merindukan telefon bimbit, makanan ringan dan peso Mexico yang mereka tinggalkan dengan tergesa-gesa di debu tebing sungai yang bertentangan, di tanah yang tidak akan mengambilnya.


Hukuman Mati: Mata Untuk Mata?

In our new era of society, where we can look back on the turbulent democracies and monarchies of the past and their exertion of power through the imminent threat of execution, is it possible that we can continue to justify the death sentences still made within the USA or in any country for that matter?

With the recent news of the first female, Lisa Montgomery, to be executed on federal death row in 67 years, discussion has yet again sparked up about the relevance that the death penalty still holds within the American justice system.

There is no denying that the murder committed by Montgomery was anything other than heinous. Her actions lead to the death of an expecting mother, from whom she stole the unborn baby who she tried to pass as her own. However, is an eye for an eye really the solution?

Personally, I would argue that it would make more sense to see a prisoner spend the rest of their life behind bars as punishment for their crimes, rather than officials committing the same act that the prisoner did to be behind bars in the first place. And, it is especially intriguing that a country with such strong religious values as America will allow themselves to essentially ‘play god’ in the execution of others.

Yet, the real irony of the situation is that the inmates on death row lead quite potentially the most luxurious lives that prison can offer to the incarcerated. So, while they do know that they shall be executed, they may spend as long as 30 years in the best case scenario of living behind bars.

The death penalty is not taken seriously within America’s justice systems

It is very difficult for someone to argue that the death penalty acts as a deterrent, especially when prisoners in for much smaller crimes are treated with less luxury. In fact, many have stated that there is no evidence at all that the death penalty acts as a deterrent.

The even more horrific truth is that the death penalty under Trump’s term as president has clearly been shown to be a vice of power. In the last couple of months of his presidency, Trump has issued a rush of federal executions, in the knowledge that the next President in line is against capital punishment.

After a 17 year break in federal executions, Trump is the issuer of 10 in the last year alone, marking him as the ‘bloodiest’ President in modern society. The President after a re-election should not be able to have this amount of agency over the lives of others to mark a blow in the battle of politics that constantly surges in America. This demonstrates to me that the death penalty is not taken seriously within America’s justice systems, if such actions like that of Trump’s can be allowed to occur.

It is easy to understand the argument that the families of the victims may want the perpetrator dead, but this is not always the case. There appears to be a digression in morality in ordering the death of another human as a justifiable consequence for killing another human. There is a part of that logic that doesn’t seem to sit right.

‘An eye for an eye’ is a motto of the past

Serving a life sentence without the privileges of death row would more than likely enable a murderer to feel more remorse for what they did, rather than be under the attitude that ‘they are going to kill me anyway, so why should I feel guilty?’.

Though some may find it hard to believe, some people that have committed murder can reform. Yes there are some that never will, but they are those that should serve a life sentence without parole. We should try and allow reformation for those that will contribute to society one day for the better good.

The hatred that is fuelled in the act of killing someone else should not be justified under any law system. ‘An eye for an eye’ is a motto of the past, America should learn to move forward.

Rowan Cothliff

Featured image courtesy of Jose Fontano on Unsplash. Image license found here. No changes were made to this image.

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Editorial Roundup: US

Excerpts from recent editorials in the United States and abroad:

The New York Post on Twitter fact-checking President Donald Trump’s tweets:

After President Trump’s fevered conspiracy tweets about Joe Scarborough’s former intern Lori Klausutis, her widower, T.J. Klausutis, begged the company to delete them. It was a heartbreaking plea (one that Trump himself should listen to), but CEO Jack Dorsey made the right call. The tweets were a living record of the nation’s president, and the company wasn’t going to take them down.

But then, later on Tuesday, Twitter decided on what is considered a compromise. It would flag Trump’s tweets for “misinformation,” beginning with his rants against mail-in voting.

Dorsey should have stuck to his hands-off approach.

This isn’t a free-speech issue, as Trump claimed last night. Twitter is a private company and can decide what’s published on its platform. But Dorsey understands that Twitter is documenting history here. If he bans Trump, he’s making a political statement - not providing the neutral forum for ideas that the company invented.

But now Dorsey walked into the trap he was trying to avoid. What will be labeled misinformation? Will liberals, too, get warning labels? Who decides? Will every user be read and reviewed, or just Trump?

Already, one sees that the “fact-checking” services of social-media giants such as Facebook are more about stifling the conversation than the truth. One day’s conspiracy theory can turn into another day’s investigative report, and vice versa. Most of all, it’s a patronizing, liberal form of engineering - deciding that readers can’t judge for themselves.

Twitter already has a robust form of “fact-checking”: All the people who comment on a post, retweet a post, rebut, argue and insult. Let them handle it, Jack.

The Washington Post the death of George Floyd, an unarmed black man killed while being detained by police:

Another day in the United States, another unarmed black man dead following unwarranted, insupportable, outrageous police violence. When will it end?

In Minneapolis on Monday evening, a white officer bore down with his knee on the neck of a handcuffed black man who lay sprawled on the street, rasping, “I cannot breathe” and “Don’t kill me.” The man died a short time after.

The suspect, George Floyd, was in his 40s. He was arrested when officers responded to what they called a suspected “forgery in progress.” They said the man appeared to be intoxicated and that he resisted arrest, though no evidence has been presented for either assertion.

There is plain evidence of what came next, however, from a video recorded by someone in a group of witnesses who stood a few feet away. In it, the white officer appears impassive, almost bored, as the suspect gasps for breath. He is unmoved as witnesses curse and plead with him to get off the suspect’s neck, as they warn that the man’s nose is bleeding, that he can’t breathe, that he isn’t resisting. Nor does the officer relent when an ambulance medic arrives and checks the man’s neck for a pulse.

When, finally, the officer lifts his knee, the man appears to have lost consciousness as he is dragged onto a stretcher.

On Tuesday, that officer and three others were fired. Now the FBI is investigating the incident. Now the outrage and condemnation are erupting in social media. It is all painfully familiar.

Police killed 1,099 people last year in the United States, according to Mapping Police Violence. Black Americans represented 24 percent of those who died, nearly twice their proportion of the population.

Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey (D) was blunt. “Being black in America should not be a death sentence,” he said. “This officer failed in the most basic, human sense. What I keep coming back to is this: This man should not have died.”

In a jarringly anodyne statement Tuesday, as if describing a highway pileup, the Minneapolis police said that officers at the scene “noted (the suspect) appeared to be suffering medical distress.”

Incredibly, the statement made no mention of the fact that the “medical distress” occurred in the course of having the weight of an officer’s body bear down on the man’s neck. The title of the statement is almost risible: “Man Dies After Medical Incident During Police Interaction.”

Six short years ago, Americans watched, horrified, as Eric Garner, his neck in a police officer’s chokehold, pleaded again and again, “I can’t breathe” on a sidewalk on Staten Island. Mr. Garner died. They watched macabre videos showing the deaths of Michael Brown, Walter Scott, Tamir Rice and other black Americans, all shot to death by police.

Perhaps the suspect in Minneapolis was intoxicated. Perhaps he did resist arrest. The officers at the scene activated their body cams that footage should be released immediately. Even if it confirms the police account, it will do nothing to justify what occurred next. No police protocols recommend kneeling on a human being’s neck until he passes out. That is a protocol for homicide, not law enforcement.

The Wall Street Journal on Trump’s tweets on MSNBC host Joe Scarborough:

Donald Trump sometimes traffics in conspiracy theories-recall his innuendo in 2016 about Ted Cruz’s father and the JFK assassination-but his latest accusation against MSNBC host Joe Scarborough is ugly even for him. Mr. Trump has been tweeting the suggestion that Mr. Scarborough might have had something to do with the death in 2001 of a young woman who worked in his Florida office when Mr. Scarborough was a GOP Congressman.

“A lot of interest in this story about Psycho Joe Scarborough. So a young marathon runner just happened to faint in his office, hit her head on his desk, & die? I would think there is a lot more to this story than that? An affair? What about the so-called investigator? Read story!” Mr. Trump tweeted Saturday while retweeting a dubious account of the case.

He kept it going Tuesday with new tweets: “The opening of a Cold Case against Psycho Joe Scarborough was not a Donald Trump original thought, this has been going on for years, long before I joined the chorus… . So many unanswered & obvious questions, but I won’t bring them up now! Law enforcement eventually will?” Nasty stuff, and from the Oval Office to more than 80 million Twitter followers.

There’s no evidence of foul play, or an affair with the woman, and the local coroner ruled that the woman fainted from an undiagnosed heart condition and died of head trauma. Some on the web are positing a conspiracy because the coroner had left a previous job under a cloud, but the parents and husband of the young woman accepted the coroner’s findings and want the case to stay closed.

Mr. Trump always hits back at critics, and Mr. Scarborough has called the President mentally ill, among other things. But suggesting that the talk-show host is implicated in the woman’s death isn’t political hardball. It’s a smear. Mr. Trump rightly denounces the lies spread about him in the Steele dossier, yet here he is trafficking in the same sort of trash.

Rep. Adam Kinzinger, a Republican from Illinois, had it right when he tweeted on the weekend: “Completely unfounded conspiracy. Berhenti sahaja. Stop spreading it, stop creating paranoia. It will destroy us.”

We don’t write this with any expectation that Mr. Trump will stop. Perhaps he even thinks this helps him politically, though we can’t imagine how. But Mr. Trump is debasing his office, and he’s hurting the country in doing so.

The Baltimore Sun on bringing back baseball:

How desperate are Americans for sports right now? The best measure yet was last Sunday’s charity golf match featuring two top professional players partnered with two quarterbacks, one former, one current. It was rainy. It was dull. There were technical glitches. It was full of artifice (like an actual conversation about how Peyton Manning might have chosen Tom Brady’s ex-coach Bill Belichick as his caddy). And it was the highest rated golf event in the history of cable television with 6.3 million viewers at its peak. Imagine what Phil Mickelson and Tiger Woods thought of that. Here’s what they likely thought: Let’s make some more of this easy money from America’s clearly sports-starved populace.

The sudden loss of sporting events from high school track to National Basketball Association games clearly isn’t the worst consequence of the coronavirus pandemic that has left roughly 100,000 Americans dead. It isn’t even the worst economic impact as tens of millions have lost their jobs and face financial hardships that participants in “The Match” can scarcely dream about. But make no mistake, it hurts. Sports is entertainment without the predetermined resolutions. It dates to cavemen wrestling or so some experts on prehistory claim. It fills some basic human need and not just the physical fitness or character building of participants. There is a cultural necessity to bearing witness, as a society, to the power, grace and courage of athletes in competition. And that’s not even mentioning the cool merchandise. Or the beer commercials.

A chummy outing on the links is a poor substitute. But you know what might do wonders for the country’s psyche right about now? A return of the national pastime. We need baseball right now. It’s the perfect sport for COVID-19. It’s got a lot of social distancing (just look at the whole concept of outfielders and tell us that’s not an advertisement for CDC guidelines). It takes place in wide open spaces. There is a minimum of physical contact and participants even wear gloves. Throw in face masks and you likely could not have designed a better game for the times (aside from golf or perhaps tennis if players agreed never to touch the ball).

And while you can probably make the case for other sports where participants stand apart (javelin throwing comes immediately to mind), there is something especially reassuring about a quintessentially American game. Or, as the James Earl Jones character in what is easily the corniest movie about a sport where the average player salary is $4 million per year, explained: “The one constant through all the years, Ray, has been baseball. America has rolled by like an army of steamrollers. It has been erased like a blackboard, rebuilt and erased again. But baseball has marked the time. This field, this game: it’s a part of our past, Ray. It reminds us of all that once was good and that could be again.”

Yes, well, whatever “Field of Dreams.” The point is that we need a comfort sport like we need comfort food, and baseball is top of the menu. It doesn’t require packing the stands. Playing games to empty stadiums might make the most sense, at least until safe attendance is possible. Baltimore knows about empty stands The Orioles pulled that feat against the White Sox in 2015 during the Freddie Gray unrest. The good news is that Major League Baseball wants to restart the season that ended abruptly in spring training. The bad news is that there’s no sign that negotiations between the owners (let’s call them the billionaires) and the players (millionaires) have yet produced an agreement for the benefit of us thousandaires. Not surprisingly, money is considered the problem issue.

So to those folks and their teams of lawyers and negotiators, their publicists and business managers, we can this: Pretty, pretty please, won’t you consider the plight of all your fans who desperately want to hear the crack of the bat and the thump of a baseball in a catcher’s glove? To make it happen, you’re going to have to take a pay cut. The loss of ticket and concession sales changes the financial equation, obviously. But how about both sides not making a ton of money while so many people are suffering? Doesn’t that have some merit, too? This may be the week to ink a deal, players and owners. Let’s get it done, perhaps donate a hefty share of profits to charity, and let’s play ball. The country needs you. James Earl Jones needs you. And all those baseball fans who are stuck watching the Korean Baseball Organization on ESPN? Let’s just say the Samsung Lions are no Baltimore Orioles. They need you, too.

The Guardian on China’s proposed plan to impose a national security law on Hong Kong:

The most powerful indictments of Beijing’s plans to impose a national security law on Hong Kong have not come from pro-democracy activists, but from the authorities themselves. They have told the city’s residents all they need to know about the proposals which China’s rubber-stamp parliament is due to pass this Thursday.

Thousands have already protested against the plans, which will bar subversion, separatism or acts of foreign interference. More are expected to take to the streets on Wednesday, as people oppose the second reading of a separate bill in Hong Kong that criminalises “disrespecting” the national anthem, with a penalty of up to three years in jail.

They believe that the national security law spells the end of China’s promise that Hong Kong could maintain its way of life – which has long included rights such as freedom of expression and protest – until 2047, under the arrangement known as one country, two systems. The city’s mini-constitution states that it should pass its own security law, but the unpopularity of the measure made authorities back off 17 years ago. Existing laws are more than ample if Beijing’s true concern is security: they have allowed the arrest of more than 8,000 people in less than a year. There is already a specific ordinance to deal with terrorism, the other spectre invoked by officials.

Authorities insist the legislation will not impact on Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy, while at the same time underlining that it will, in fact, destroy it. The very decision to impose it from above is one of those signals. (Hong Kong’s bar association has questioned whether Beijing has the legal authority to do so.) But others have followed last week’s shock announcement. China’s foreign commissioner in the region said that freedoms of the press and speech would be unchanged – before warning the media against using them as a “pretext” to undermine national sovereignty and security.

Even more striking was the time limit implied in the response of Hong Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, to criticism of the proposed security laws: “We are a very free society, so for the time being, people have the freedom to say whatever they want to say.” Pressed on whether the law could be applied retrospectively, as many fear, she would not rule it out.

The populist state newspaper Global Times was more openly threatening, writing that the pro-democracy billionaire Jimmy Lai’s Twitter account had “provided evidence for national security agencies of acts of subversion, experts warned”.

None of this will surprise Hong Kong’s people. They are painfully aware of how national security legislation is used to punish dissidents, scholars, lawyers and activists on the mainland. The most famous, the Nobel peace prize winner Liu Xiaobo, died three years ago while serving his 11-year sentence for inciting state subversion, having co-authored and gathered signatures for a letter calling for democratic reforms.

These pronouncements are designed to sow fear and undermine opposition. The vote will pass on Thursday the question for Hong Kong’s future is how it is implemented and enforced. That is why other countries, particularly Britain, must take a stand – including at next month’s G7 meeting – and why businesses and others should do so too. We know how China wants to use this law. How it actually does so is yet to be determined.

The New York Times on American military bases being named after Confederate Army officers:

The white supremacist who murdered nine black churchgoers in Charleston, S.C., five years ago dispensed with the fiction that the Confederate battle flag was an innocuous symbol of “Southern pride.” A murderer’s manifesto describing the killings as the start of a race war - combined with photos of the killer brandishing a pistol and a rebel flag - made it impossible to ignore the connection between Confederate ideology and a blood-drenched tradition of racial terrorism that dates back to the mid-19th century in the American South.

Outrage over the Charleston massacre forced South Carolina to finally remove the Confederate flag from the State House grounds - where it had flown for more than half a century - and led major retailers to drop merchandise bearing Confederate insignia. The National Cathedral in Washington showed how pervasive this iconography had become when it dismantled an elaborate set of stained-glass windows depicting the Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson in saintly poses. As the cathedral dean put it, there was no excuse for the nation’s most visible church to celebrate a cause whose primary reason for being was the preservation and extension of slavery in America.

Institutions that could once have wrapped themselves in Confederacy ideology without consequence were put on notice that public sentiment had shifted. The commandant of the United States Marine Corps tacitly deferred to this new reality last month by banning public display of the Confederate flag at Marine installations. Gen. David H. Berger pointed out in a letter to his fellow Marines that the flag was being pushed out because it had “the power to inflame feelings of division” in a military organization that relies on unity to do its work.

The commandant avoided references to racism or white supremacy, suggesting that it was still justifiable for people of good will to view the Confederate banner as a harmless expression of regional pride. Nevertheless, innocent intentions cannot obscure the truth that secessionists embarked on the Civil War to guarantee the rights of some human beings to own others, or the fact that the Confederate banner represents the same white supremacist values as - and is often displayed in tandem with - the Nazi swastika.

This same toxic legacy clings to the 10 United States military installations across the South that were named for Confederate Army officers during the first half of the 20th century. Apologists often describe the names as a necessary gesture of reconciliation in the wake of the Civil War. In truth, the namings reflect a federal embrace of white supremacy that found its most poisonous expression in military installations where black servicemen were deliberately placed under the command of white Southerners - who were said to better “understand” Negroes - and confined to substandard housing, segregated transportation systems and even “colored only” seating in movie houses.

As the official Defense Department history of this period now acknowledges, the federal embrace of the Jim Crow system undermined the country’s readiness for war and destroyed morale, introducing black recruits to a brand of hard-core racism many had not experienced in civilian life. As the military opened more and more such bases across the country, the history notes, it “actually spread federally sponsored segregation into areas where it had never before existed with the force of law.” In other words, the base names were part of a broad federal sellout to white supremacy that poisoned the whole of the United States.

CELEBRATING A WAR CRIMINAL

The officials who named a military base in Virginia for a profoundly dishonorable Confederate general, George Pickett, must have been willfully blind to a voluminous record demonstrating his unworthiness. In addition to being accused of cowardice at the pivotal battle at Gettysburg, the incompetent, self-regarding Pickett faced a war crimes investigation for the executions of 22 Union soldiers at Kinston, N.C., near the end of the war. When a Union general reminded Pickett that federal policy mandated retaliation for extralegal killings of Union soldiers, the Confederate general responded by crowing about the killings and threatening to hang 10 U.S. Army prisoners for every Confederate prisoner who might be marched to the gallows.

A military panel investigating the Kinston killings wrote unsparingly of Pickett’s command: “It is the opinion of board,” the panel wrote, “these men have violated the rules of war and every principle of humanity, and are guilty of crimes too heinous to be excused by the Government of the United States.” Pickett fled to Canada to avoid possible prosecution. He might well have been hauled back in manacles had the U.S. Army commander, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, not short-circuited the investigation. As the journalist and Civil War historian Gerard A. Patterson writes, Grant’s decision to save Pickett, with whom he had served in the Mexican-American war, was a classic act of old-boy cronyism. Even if Pickett’s crimes were set aside, his ineptitude in combat should have ruled him out of consideration when federal authorities were naming military installations.

By the time the federal government sought out military training facilities in the South in preparation for war abroad, the school of mythology known as the Lost Cause movement - forged by groups like The United Daughters of the Confederacy - had rewritten Civil War history. This telling valorized the Ku Klux Klan cast even the most execrable Confederate officers as saints and portrayed slavery as an idyll featuring loving masters who doted on happy black retainers.

The Lost Cause era also ushered in a reign of racial terror during which African-Americans were stripped of basic rights and murdered in public for reasons such as competing with whites in business, seeking the vote or even failing to give way on the sidewalk. Adolf Hitler himself took notice, praising the United States as the near epitome of the racist state. The Nazi movement normalized its agenda in Germany by pointing out that “racist policies and practices” had been successfully applied in the Southern United States.

The federal government embraced pillars of the white supremacist movement when it named military bases in the South. Consider, for example, Fort Benning, Ga., which honors a Confederate general, Henry Lewis Benning, who devoted himself to the premise that African-Americans were not really human and could never be trusted with full citizenship.

Benning was widely influential in Southern politics and served on the Supreme Court of Georgia before turning his attentions to the cause of secession. In a now famous speech in 1861, he told secession conventioneers in Virginia that his native state of Georgia had left the union for one reason - to “prevent the abolition of her slavery.” Benning’s statements strongly resemble that of present-day white supremacists - and reference the race war theme put forward by the young racist who murdered nine African-Americans in Charleston five years ago.

Benning warned, for example, that the abolition of slavery would one day lead to the horror of “black governors, black legislatures, black juries, black everything.” This, he opined, would place white womanhood at the mercy of African-Americans with the same rights as white people. “We will be completely exterminated,” he said, “and the land will be left in the possession of the blacks, and then it will go back into a wilderness.”

By naming yet another Georgia base for a Confederate general, John Brown Gordon, the federal government venerated a man who was a leader of the Georgia Ku Klux Klan after the Civil War and who may have taken on a broader role in the terrorist organization when its first national leader - a former Confederate general, Nathan Bedford Forrest - suffered declining health. As a politician, Gordon championed the late-19th-century campaign that stripped African-American Southerners of the citizenship rights they had briefly held during the period just after the Civil War known as Reconstruction.

Among the other Confederate officers honored at Southern military bases are merely undistinguished or flatly incompetent commanders like the irascible Gen. Braxton Bragg - “the most hated man of the Confederacy,” one biographer calls him. Bragg was known for pettiness and cruelty, along with the battlefield failures that eventually led to his being relieved of command.

A DEAL WITH WHITE SUPREMACY

The Charleston dead were scarcely cold when an Army spokesman declared that there was no need to expunge Confederate base names because the names were merely “historic’’ and “represent individuals, not causes or ideologies.”

The first problem with this argument is that, as individuals, these men were traitors. These rebel officers, who were willing to destroy the United States to keep black people in chains, are synonymous with the racist ideology that drove them to treason.

The second difficulty is that the base names were agreed upon as part of broader accommodation in which the military embraced stringent segregation so as not to offend Southerners by treating African-Americans as equals. The names represent not only oppression before and during the Civil War, but also state-sponsored bigotry after it.

Black recruits who volunteered to die for their country were mainly shut out of combat units, commanded by white Southerners who often resented being assigned to colored units. In some contexts, black servicemen were treated worse than prisoners of war. The actress and singer Lena Horne, for example, flew into a rage during World War II when she arrived at a military camp to entertain only to find that the best seats - in the “white” section of the audience - had been reserved for German P.O.W.s.

The racist conventions applied on Southern military bases were exported to bases in the North and West as well. When commanders sought to police the leisure time conduct of black soldiers, those conventions spilled over into surrounding towns that had never known Jim Crow. At the height of World War II, for example, Southern white officers at a base not far from Philadelphia reacted in vintage Deep South style when they saw black soldiers dating white women. One officer decreed that “any association between the colored soldiers and white women, whether voluntary or not, would be considered rape” - an offense that had long been subject to the death penalty under military law.

The Army surgeon general blew a kiss to racists in 1941 when he justified the Red Cross policy of segregating the wartime blood bank by donor race - even though there was no scientific reason for doing so. The point was to assure white recipients that they would receive only “white” plasma. African-American newspapers quickly pointed out that a black doctor, Dr. Charles Drew, who directed the first Red Cross blood bank, had pioneered the techniques that made large-scale blood plasma storage possible.

President Harry Truman desegregated the armed services through executive order in 1948, declaring that “there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion or national origin.”

Fifteen years later, a young African-American Army officer named Colin Powell marveled at the contrast between the fairness and opportunity he experienced at Fort Benning, Ga., and the racist treatment he suffered at off-base restaurants that refused to serve him. In his memoir “My American Journey,” Mr. Powell describes the racially integrated bases of the segregated 1960s-era South as “healthy cells in an otherwise sick body.” Nevertheless, for the first half of the 20th century, the U.S. military contributed mightily to the very “sickness” Mr. Powell condemns.

Military installations that celebrate white supremacist traitors have loomed steadily larger in the civic landscape since the country began closing smaller bases and consolidating its forces on larger ones. Bases named for men who sought to destroy the Union in the name of racial injustice are an insult to the ideals servicemen and women are sworn to uphold - and an embarrassing artifact of the time when the military itself embraced anti-American values. It is long past time for those bases to be renamed.


Kernel of truth

Beneath Montañez’s story about Flamin’ Hot Cheetos, visible through its inconsistencies and supported by the documented timeline of events, there is a real story of a man rising up the corporate ladder, from factory floor to marketing executive, pitching some products along the way.

Montañez was born in Ontario to a Mexican American family that lived in the unincorporated community of Guasti, a cluster of buildings and shops centered on vineyards east of Los Angeles, where some of the men in his family picked grapes for a living.

He dropped out of school — but not, as he has claimed in past media appearances, after the fourth grade, or, as he claims in his new memoir, before the sixth. Montañez appears to have made it to at least the ninth grade — he is listed in the freshman class section of the Chaffey High yearbook of 1972 but disappears from the area’s yearbooks after that.

Montañez got a job at the Frito-Lay plant in Rancho Cucamonga in the late 1970s. Although Montañez has at times said he was working as a janitor when he pitched Flamin’ Hot Cheetos, Frito-Lay said its records show he was promoted to machinist operator by October 1977, shortly after his hiring. In that role, he writes in his new memoir, he spearheaded a program to reduce waste along the assembly line.

After Enrico moved to Frito-Lay and the motivational “I Own the New Frito-Lay” campaign rippled across the company, a single news clipping featuring Montañez provides a window into that moment in his career.

The U.S. News and World Report article from December 1993 focuses on businesses finding success by empowering their employees. The section on Frito-Lay talks about the plant in Rancho Cucamonga, where manager Steve Smith had taken up Enrico’s initiative and gotten more front-line workers thinking about how to improve the business as a whole.

“Veteran machine operator Richard Montañez, 37, became so energized by Smith’s new operating style that after listening to salesmen he developed a new ethnic-food concept aimed at the Hispanic market,” the reporter writes. “After testing recipes and outlining a marketing strategy, Montañez burst forth with a kernel of an idea: Flamin’ Hot Popcorn, which will soon make its debut.”

An industry news wire announced that Flamin’ Hot Popcorn did in fact hit shelves in March 1994, as an extension of the Flamin’ Hot line that Greenfeld and her colleagues had rolled out four years earlier.

Around that time, Montañez began working on a line of products pitched specifically at the Latino market in the Los Angeles area: Sabrositas. Images that Montañez has posted to his Instagram account show that the Sabrositas line included Flamin’ Hot Popcorn, two types of Fritos — Flamin’ Hot and Lime and Chile Corn Chips — and a Doritos variety billed as buñuelito-style tortilla chips.

Roberto Siewczynski worked on the Sabrositas test market in 1994 as an outside consultant for Casanova, a Latino-focused wing of the ad agency McCann, and remembers Montañez being deeply involved in the process.

Siewczynski’s recollection of the Sabrositas marketing campaign aligns with what Montañez describes in his memoir — though Montañez attaches his story to Flamin’ Hot products, not the Sabrositas launch.

“I did go to Rancho Cucamonga,” Siewczynski said, where he was surprised to learn that the Sabrositas project was being led by production and distribution workers, not the marketing department, as a community-driven campaign focused on the Latino market in Los Angeles. “It was, ‘Hey, the plant really wants to do this Richard really wants to do this,’ and they cut out a lot of the traditional management.”

He remembers Montañez as a colorful, engaging storyteller, well liked by all of his co-workers at the plant. And he remembers a creation story, but one that focused on Lime and Chile Fritos, not Flamin’ Hot Cheetos.

Montañez “told the whole story about how when he was a kid he would put lime and chile on his Fritos, and that was sort of the impetus for the product design,” Siewczynski said.

In his new memoir, Montañez writes that he tapped into the local network of women hosting Tupperware parties to get Flamin’ Hot Cheetos out to customers in Southern California as a way to bolster the struggling test market.

Siewczynski recalls the same story — for Sabrositas. “The product was rolled out without any mass media or advertising,” he said. “We did a strategic partnership with Tupperware, where they would take the product to their parties,” he added, recalling a mortifying presentation that he made as a 22-year-old ad man to a room of hundreds of Tupperware ladies, who ribbed him onstage for being so young and handsome.

Frito-Lay records shared with The Times show that Montañez was promoted to a quality-control tech services specialist from 1998 to 2002, then left the plant and rose to a director-level position. He received a number of accolades from both community groups and PepsiCo CEOs along the way.

He’s now retired in his early 60s, after a full career climbing the corporate ladder. Montañez made it, from rags to riches, from factory floor to corporate suite. He just didn’t make Flamin’ Hot Cheetos.


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Tonton videonya: Der NYMPHOMANIAC-Trailer nur bei uns und das STAR WARS-Skript enthüllt - Movie RoundUp (Mungkin 2022).